William D. Kickham
William D. Kickham
William D. Kickham
William D. Kickham
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Friday the 13th proved to be definitely not a good day for former Massachusetts House Speaker Tom Finneran. The Massachusetts Board of Bar Overseers (BBO) formally issued its long-awaited decision today, regarding the former Speaker’s future ability to practice law in Massachusetts.

The 12-member board, eight of whom are lawyers, recommended complete disbarment. Only one board member voted to impose a lesser sanction, the two-year suspension previously recommended by the board. That vote was cast by Erik Lund, who wrote that “The circumstances in which Mr. Finneran’s felonious conduct occurred should lead to a lesser sanction than that of disbarment.”

As I blogged on previously, Finneran’s license to practice was suspended for two years in 2007 after he pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice by giving false testimony in a federal lawsuit over his role in a 2002 legislative redistricting plan that diminished minority voting clout. This disbarment recommendation is the result of Finneran’s decision to appeal that Board’s two-year suspension recommendation. Contesting his appeal, the Board’s Office of Bar Counsel, which prosecutes attorney misconduct cases, responded by recommending his complete disbarment, and they won the day. Separately, in December 2008, Finneran also requested that President Bush issue him a pardon before Bush left office. Bush declined to act on Finneran’s application. As I wrote of previously, Finneran doubtless hoped that a Presidential pardon would elevate his chances in his appeal of the Board’s previous two-year suspension. No dice.

A Norfolk County Superior Court jury convicted Ryan Bois, 22 on Thursday March 12 of raping and killing his 6-year-old cousin, Joanna Mullin. The jury rejected his attorney’s claim that Bois was insane and “tortured by demons” when he committed the crime. Bois was found guilty on 10 of 13 counts, including two counts of rape and one count each of kidnapping and home invasion as part of the murder. Judge Janet Sanders commented this case has been “the worst” she has seen in her 14 years on the bench. As she is required to under Massachusetts law, Sanders sentenced Bois to two life terms in prison without the possibility of parole.

The jury convicted Bois after eight hours of deliberation, and followed a dramatic display by Bois earlier in the week, when he claimed he could not enter the courtroom due to emotional distress.

Prosecutors from the Norfolk County District Attorney’s Office argued that Bois broke into his grandmother’s house in Weymouth and raped and strangled Joanna Mullin, who was having a sleepover there in August 2007. The prosecution argued Bois broke into the house to steal money, and when Joanna Mullin caught him, he killed the girl to cover it up. Bois then wrapped the girl’s body in a quilt and stole his grandmother’s SUV. Police found the girl’s body inside the SUV after Bois led them on a high-speed chase, and then crashed the vehicle into a taxi in Quincy.

Here’s a sobering thought: A shocking one in 24 Massachusetts adults were either in jail or under probation at the end of 2007, according to a study released earlier this week by the respected Pew Center on the States. The report, entitled “One in 31: The Long Reach of American Corrections,” analyzed prison populations at the federal, state and county level. The study ranks Massachusetts as being fifth in the nation when measuring the number of adults that are either incarcerated (in both state and federal prisons in Massachusetts), or under probation or parole. The cost to Massachusetts taxpayers: A stunning $1.25 billion (yes, that with a “b”.)

“In any year, spending $1.25 billion dollars on corrections is stunning. In a fiscal crisis, this kind of spending is unacceptably foolish. If finances is what finally moves the state to revamp its correctional policies, so be it,” said Leslie Walker, executive director of Massachusetts Correctional Legal Services. But while Massachusetts ranks fifth overall, we rank even higher when measuring parolees and probationers living in the community, vs. incarcerated in jail or prison. On that score, Massachusetts had the third highest rate of probation supervision, with 1 in 28 adults or 179,854 people answering to parole and probation officers at both the state and federal level.

But what to do about this overall problem? According to this study, parole is a more cost-effective way of monitoring offenders, reporting that it costs $130.16 to incarcerate an adult for one day. That same figure pays for 18 days of parole supervision in the community, the report said. The Pew Center said that for every dollar Massachusetts spent on prisons in 2008, it spent four cents on parole. The Pew report affirms state Department of Correction figures that indicate an exploding prison population. As proof, last year, the state began installing bunk beds in single cells at the maximum security Souza-Baranowski Correctional Center in Shirley to address system wide overcrowding.

The Middlesex County District Attorney’s office scored a big prosecutorial hit earlier this week, with the conviction – on the second try – of a defendant who had been charged with a double homicide in 2006 in Wakefield, Massachusetts.

Sean Fitzpatrick, 46, of (ironically) Freedom, New Hampshire, will never know freedom again. He was convicted February 19 2009 by a Middlesex Superior Court jury of two counts of first degree murder in the deaths of Michael Zammitti, Jr., 39, and Chester Roberts, 54. Fitzpatrick was also convicted of a lesser charge of illegal possession of a shotgun. The first degree murder convictions carry a mandatory life sentence in Massachusetts. While an appeal to the state Supreme Judicial Court is by law automatic, as a Massachusetts criminal defense attorney, I doubt there is much room for reversible error in these convictions. Sentencing is scheduled for tomorrow, February 23, before the judge presiding over the trial, Judge Kathe Tuttman.

Just after 8 a.m., on Monday, March 13, 2006, Wakefield Police responded to a 911 call from an individual at Allstate Concrete Pumping, located at 17 New Salem Street in that town, reporting an unconscious male. Upon arrival at the scene, police discovered the body of Chester Roberts on the first floor of the building, and the body of Michael Zammitti in a second floor office. Both victims were both pronounced dead at the scene. Zammitti was the owner of Allstate Concrete Pumping, and Roberts was a longtime employee at the company. Autopsies by the Medical Examiner determined that Zammitti died from a gunshot wound to the head, and the cause of death for Roberts to be a gunshot wound to the back. Prosecutors produced evidence that Fitzpatrick drove to Wakefield from New Hampshire on March 13 and shot the two victims. Fitzpatrick was a friend and neighbor of the Zammitti family, who owned a summer home in New Hampshire. Prosecutors alleged that Fitzpatrick was interested in pursuing a relationship with Zammitti’s wife, Michelle, and killed Zammitti to accomplish that objective. Chester Roberts, prosecutors established, was killed by Fitzpatrick as Roberts was a witness to Zammitti’s murder.

In a major step forward in progress toward treating the opposite genders truly equally, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court recently handed down a sharply divided ruling in a case involving underage sex and statutory rape.

The case involved consensual sex between a 14 year old high school boy and three underage girls, two of whom were 12 years old and the other 11. Various sex acts were alleged to have taken place between the boy and each of the girls, between August and October of 2007. The police investigation revealed that no force was involved in any of the encounters, and that the alleged sex acts between the boy and all three girls was voluntary and consensual on the part of all four youths. However, Plymouth County District Attorney Timothy J. Cruz chose to prosecute only the boy with statutory rape, not any of the girls. Under Massachusetts law, it is deemed a crime for anyone of either gender under the age of 16 to have sex.

Notwithstanding the wording of any statutes concerning gender, statutory rape laws have almost always been enforced against boys under the age of 16, not girls. Statutory rape laws are very old, and had their origin in the antiquated legal concept that a daughter was the property of her father.

In my previous post on this subject, I reviewed the case of a man who had been convicted of eleven (11) prior offenses of exposing himself to women and girls. Despite this history, a Massachusetts Superior Court judge ruled that, following his release from prison after serving a sentence for his most recent of those convictions, the state could not “civilly commit” the defendant, because his prior offenses did not involve physical contact with any victims. A “civil commitment” is distinct from a criminal conviction. A civil commitment involves a situation where the state petitions a court under a specific state statute that allows for the state to incarcerate someone against his or her will, because they suffer from some enumerated form of mental disability or defect.

However, the Superior Court judge who refused to civilly commit this defendant, based his reasoning on the fact that the individual never actually touched or inflicted physical harm on any of his victims, but was ‘only’ an exhibitionist. Upon review, the Massachusetts Appeals Court disagreed, ruling for the first time that such offenses, which are known legally as “noncontact sexual offenses,” can be used as the basis for civilly committing someone against their will. In arguing for this ruling, Plymouth County District Attorney Timothy J. Cruz spoke to the legislative intent behind the creation of this statute, stating, “…The legislature had already decided (when it enacted this law) that a conviction for open and gross lewdness (should be) an appropriate basis, along with the other requirements in the statute, to find that someone was a sexually dangerous person.” In agreeing with Cruz’ position, judge R. Marc Kantrowitz of the Appeals Court ruled that the Superior Court had erred, and that the legislature fully intended to include noncontact offenses such as Open and Gross Lewdness, as subject to the statute. What this now means is that a conviction for Open and Gross Lewdness (I.e., exposing oneself to another in public,) can later be used as the basis to civilly commit a defendant after he or she has either been convicted and/or served any criminal penalty. (Note: There must first be a conviction on this charge, not merely an arrest or criminal charge.)

At the Superior Court trial on the issue of civilly committing this individual, it was acknowledged by both the prosecution and the defense that no physical contact occurred between the defendant and his victims. Hence, there were two legal points focused on at both the Superior Court trial, and later the Appeals Court: 1) The definition of “harm” to a victim of Open and Gross Lewdness; and 2) Did the legislature intend to include such noncontact offenses in enacting this statute? Commenting on the issue of harm, Cruz offered that “The notion that a man who publicly exposes himself to a young girl or woman, or who publicly masturbates in their presence, does not cause them harm is ridiculous.” On the issue of legislative intent, defense attorney William Korman commented, “The Appeals Court has now said essentially that any exhibitionist who’s likely to do it again – and by the way, they’re all likely to do it again – is now per se sexually dangerous.” (E.g., without any argument or hearing on that issue.) But the majority of the Appeals Court disagreed, and until the Supreme Judicial Court rules otherwise, noncontact sexual offenses can now be used by the state to incarcerate someone, after they have been convicted of that offense, whether or not they have already served a jail or prison term.

A very interesting case was recently decided by the Massachusetts Appeals Court, on the subject of “sexually dangerous persons.” The decision provided a clearer (and much needed) definition of just what constitutes a “sexually dangerous person,” and the state’s ability to incarcerate such individuals when they have not been found guilty of a crime involving any physical contact with a victim.

The Appeals Court decision, Commonwealth vs. Grant, rejected a Superior Court judge’s earlier decision that a sexual offense which did not result in physical contact or physical harm to a victim, did not qualify as an offense that could subject the offender to being civilly committed as a “sexually dangerous person.” The state statute that governs civil commitment of persons suspected of being sexually dangerous is Massachusetts General Laws C. 123, Section A (“M.G.L. C. 123A”.) That statute allows the commonwealth to keep an individual incarcerated after he or she has been adjudicated guilty of a sexual offense, and/or served a criminal sentence, if such person “suffers from a mental abnormality or personality disorder which makes such person likely to engage in sexual offenses if not confined to a secure facility; or … whose misconduct in sexual matters indicates a general lack of power to control his sexual impulses, as evidenced by repetitive or compulsive sexual misconduct by either violence against any victim, or aggression against any victim under the age of 16 years, and who, as a result, is likely to attack or otherwise inflict injury on such victims because of his uncontrolled or uncontrollable desires.”

In the instant case, the defendant, one Darren Grant, was about to be released on an earlier conviction for an offense known legally as “Open and Gross Lewdness.” This generally refers to sexually exhibitionism, or exposing oneself in public, and indeed, this particular defendant had been previously convicted of just that offense – on 11 separate occasions. A serial offender, Grant was about to be released after serving jail term for his most recent conviction, when the commonwealth, through the office of Plymouth County District Attorney Timothy Cruz, petitioned that Grant be held in incarceration under the civil commitment statute, M.G.L. c. 123A, after he completed his criminal sentence. A Superior Court judge, following a two-day trial on the motion, denied the commonwealth’s request, ruling that Grant’s prior convictions did not involve “physical contact or physical harm” to others, that he was not likely to cause physical harm to others, and that therefore, he could not be civilly committed after his prison term under M.G.L 123A.

In my previous post, I commented on former Massachusetts House Speaker Thomas M. Finneran’s lobbying efforts to secure a last-minute presidential pardon for his guilty plea two years ago to federal obstruction of justice charges. On his way out of the White House door yesterday, former President George W. Bush declined to grant Finneran that presidential pardon. Bush gave no reason for his inaction. Some legal and political observers were surprised, given the lobbying connections Finneran recruited in this effort, notably four former Massachusetts Governors, including former governor Paul Cellucci, who has close ties to the Bush family. In their joint letter to Bush, the four former governors wrote that Finneran has been punished enough, and that he has “suffered daily taunts and ridicule from those who feel every elected official is a “common thief.”

Whether our former governors wished to acknowledge it or not, those “daily taunts” come from none other than Finneran’s own colleague at radio talk show station WRKO-AM 680, Howie Carr. Carr is a well-known critic of State House operations and politicians in general, but many observers, including myself, think that Carr’s unrelenting broadcast and published criticism of Finneran may be a ratings ploy to generate more attention and listenership to the station. Regardless, Finneran now looks even worse than he did before this pardon effort. In a piece the Boston Globe was preparing on this story, Finneran reportedly did not return calls from the Globe seeking a comment.

I’m not surprised that Bush declined to grant the petition. Leaving the Oval Office with one of the lowest approval ratings of any President in modern U.S. history, the last thing Bush needed was more criticism in granting a pardon to someone who hadn’t even met the five-year post-conviction waiting requirement, before being eligible to apply for a presidential pardon. As I reported previously, next on Finneran’s to-do list is getting his license to practice law reinstated by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Finneran had a hearing on Monday January 20 2009 before the Board of Bar Overseers, the state agency that regulates the legal profession in Massachusetts. Meeting behind closed doors, the Board heard competing arguments on its own previous recommendation that Finneran’s license to practice be suspended for two years. That suspension began in January 2007. Opposing the Board’s two year suspension recommendation is the agency’s own Bar Counsel: That person has recommended complete disbarment.

Like so many of his predecessors in the office of the Massachusetts House Speaker, former Representative Tom Finneran left the office in disgrace, convicted of obstruction of justice in 2007.

The purpose of this post is not to report this news, as it’s now a few days old, but to probe the question: Should Finneran receive a pardon from Bush? If yes, why? If not, why not?

Finneran was convicted for obstruction of justice during a probe of a state effort to re-draw state legislative districts. Allegations of racial bias surfaced in the re-drawing of key state legislative maps. Some people claimed that Finneran took an active part in trying to redraw the legislative districts in a manner that would have underrepresented minority districts in the state legislature. After insisting on his innocence for some time, he later pled guilty to lying under oath and obstruction of justice, and was sentenced to 18 months’ unsupervised probation and $25,000 in fines. In addition, his license to practice law was suspended, he was denied a state pension, and he was forced to resign his then very lucrative job as president of the Massachusetts Biotechnology Council. After leaving the Speaker’s office in disgrace, Finneran landed his current job as a talk show host on WRKO-AM 680 in Boston.

In my previous post on this subject, I reported on a brutal murder which took place in Hyannis, Massachusetts last December 15 2008. Aside from the savagery that marked this particular murder, what distinguished it from most murders was the fact that two of the three defendants charged with this murder are 13 years old, and are prevented by Massachusetts’ Juvenile Offender Law from both being tried as adults under the law, and shielded from a public trial. However, what many observers consider to be far worse, is these two defendants, if found guilty, can be held in state custody only until age 18. After the age of 18, the state can petition a court to continue to incarcerate that convict until he reaches the age of 21, but that is the maximum: After reaching the age of 21, that convict must, under the Juvenile Offender statute, be released from custody. Given the shocking allegations in this case, this potential outcome has been met with understandable outrage from a number of corners.

As I explained briefly in my previous post, were either of these two 13 year old defendants just one year older – age 14 – they could be tried as adults under the Juvenile Offender Law, and if found guilty, punished as adults. That would mean life in prison without the possibility of parole, if convicted of first degree murder, and a typically a minimum of twenty years if convicted of a lesser offense involving murder. The Juvenile Offender Law protecting these 13 year-olds was designed to shield very young offenders from the punishment meted out to adult offenders. But while a laudable idea in theory, is this law ill-advised in the real world we live in? Conservatives would brand this type of law the product of “bleeding heart liberals.” While I don’t count myself among conservatives, looking at this case, it’s hard to presently disagree with that assessment.

In my capacity as an experienced Massachusetts criminal defense attorney, I have been involved with many violent cases: From Assault and Battery with a Dangerous Weapon, to Rape, to Drug Offenses, to Murder. In my opinion, rather than choose an arbitrary age (such as 13), and declare that “No one of this age or younger can be tried under the same laws as an adult,” it would be a far more just approach to gauge each case on its own facts, in deciding whether or not to subject a youthful offender to the same laws that would apply to an adult in that case. Instead of a “blanket” approach, the set of facts and allegations that independently comprise each case should determine whether or not a youthful offender should be shielded from the laws that normally apply to adults.

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