William D. Kickham
William D. Kickham
William D. Kickham
William D. Kickham
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In my previous post, I explained the Massachusetts SJC’s ruling last week on the contretemps surrounding the question of whether or not the Massachusetts Commission on Judicial Conduct can allowably inquire into a judge’s reasons for his or her rulings. The issue arose because the Judicial Conduct Commission had launched an inquiry into one of the judges in the Boston Municipal Court following allegations of bias filed by the Suffolk County District Attorney.

Surprisingly enough, as a Dedham, Massachusetts criminal defense attorney, I disagree with this decision. I know that my colleagues in the criminal defense bar will disagree strongly with me, but I can’t agree with this decision. My opinion isn’t pro-prosecution, nor is it pro-defense. Nor am in any way saying that judges should be required to explain their reasoning if litigants, prosecutors or defense counsel don’t like a particular judge’s ruling. Such would be ridiculous. The Judiciary was designed to be independent for good reasons. Under typical, day-to-day “normal” circumstances, I don’t believe judges should have to explain their reasoning to litigants, to disaffected parties, or to the media.

However, the circumstances presented in judge Dougan’s case are anything but “normal” – and I don’t think that an honest advocate for either side of this argument can claim otherwise. The SJC’s ruling here can just as easily be used against criminal defense attorneys one day. Or against minorities, or women. Consider this: What if a judge somewhere in Massachusetts were to routinely – in almost every case that came before him or her – rule against black defendants. Or against women. Or against the members of any particular ethnicity or group. Let’s assume a judge were to rule this way no matter the evidence, and let’s say it happened in almost 100% of the cases before this hypothetical judge. In such a circumstance, such a judge would be essentially unstoppable. And that is not good public policy.

Sorry I’ve been absent for a little while. With the summer waning and the heat still high, I took a few days off for the beach.

OK, back to work: The Supreme Judicial Court’s (SJC) ruling is finally in on the dispute surrounding the subject of whether the Massachusetts Commission On Judicial Conduct (otherwise referred to as the “Judicial Conduct Commission or “JCC“,) can inquire into the reasoning behind a particular judge’s decision (or decisions.) The Judicial Conduct Commission is the state government body that is empowered to investigate various allegations of wrongdoing by state court judges, whether that wrongdoing is on or off the bench. The operations of the JCC are highly secretive, for the purpose of protecting the independence of the judiciary and its members.

This ruling is sure to fuel a lot of talk radio time and fill a lot of space in the blawgosphere, so let’s get to it.

It can be one of the most misunderstood aspects of getting arrested – what is bail? How does it work? Must you pay in cash? How does it all happen? As a Dedham criminal defense attorney, let me address some questions about bail. (And I hope you won’t ever need to come up with it.)

A brief history: Bail in the United States came out of the English legal system, in which the court granted the accused person the right to offer his property or monies to the court, so that he could secure temporary freedom while his criminal trial was pending. As the years passed, bail became more expensive, in order to cover the expenses of the court. Eventually the entire process of bail became very complicated.

It’s important to remember that bail is not designed to punish someone for being arrested. It has one purpose: To assure the defendant’s appearance at court, each time, during his prosecution (which can take, in more complex cases, up to a year.) Bail can become relevant in one or both of two environments: 1) Immediately after someone are arrested (i.e., at the Police Station where they have been brought); and/or 2) At arraignment in court. At Police Stations, persons accused of lower-level crimes (such as “simple” assault and battery,) will almost routinely be released either on personal recognizance, or for a small fee of usually $40.00. This can be paid at the Police Department where the arrested person is being held, by either the accused himself, or by a friend or family member.

By now, most people know that Governor Deval Patrick has agreed to sign the “Three Strikes” crime bill that the Legislature originally delivered to him last week. He had sent the bill back to the Legislature with an amendment to provide judicial discretion in sentencing certain habitual offenders who have been convicted more than three times for almost 40 violent crimes. The Legislature rejected that amendment, very quickly.

Patrick claimed he requested the amendment after Supreme Judicial Court Roderick Ireland responded to Patrick’s written request for clarification of the Legislature’s final bill, opining to the governor that the law could lead to an overly-crowded appeals docket, given the lack of judicial discretion in the bill. Whatever his motivation, the Legislature kicked what many saw as his attempt to “water-down” the bill by allowing parole in certain cases instead of life imprisonment, right back at his doorstep.

I think the governor made the right decision in signing this bill as is. As Norfolk County criminal lawyer, as a rule I do not approve of mandatory sentences, and I have written previously about this subject in this blog. However, there can be exceptions to a rule, and I don’t see the objections or problems that are typically presented with mandatory sentence provisions, in this particular bill. The reason for that is that the only defendants who are going to end up in the situation of facing a mandatory sentence of life in prison without possibility of parole, are the worst offenders imaginable. Serial criminals who are extremely violent, and who have already been convicted three times or more for the most heinous, violent of offenses. Any defendant in that position has pretty much already earned his stripes as a serial, unrepentant, violent criminal. Such people belong behind bars for life. Yes, I can say that, even though I’m a criminal defense attorney. My chief concern is that every defendant, no matter what he or she is charged with, receives a fair trial with a competent defense attorney. If those requirements have been met and a defendant has been convicted three times of extremely violent crimes, I don’t have a problem with a mandatory sentence of life in prison with no parole.

In my profession as a Norfolk County criminal defense lawyer, there are times when someone I am representing – the defendant – under my advisement, will enter a plea of “Admission to Sufficient Facts.” Since most people do not know what this means, here is a brief overview.

When a defendant enters a plea of “Admission to Sufficient Facts,” he or she is, in essence, admitting that if the case were to go to trial, the prosecution would be able to present sufficient evidence to secure a guilty finding, from either a jury or judge. Instead, subject to the prosecutor’s agreement, the defendant enters a plea of “Admission To Sufficient Facts” instead of actually pleading guilty. This procedure comes from an old trial system and it has been abolished by the state legislature in Massachusetts. However, it is still used by defendants as a way for the defendant’s case to be continued without a guilty finding (which I’ll further explain in a moment). This form of plea may be refused by the judge, or it may be conditionally accepted upon the compliance of the defendant with certain requirements advanced by the prosecution.

The types of charges that a defendant to plea Admission To Sufficient Facts to are several. They can include, as a partial list, armed robbery, larceny by stealing, OUI (drunk-driving), domestic violence and kidnapping.

Last Thursday (July 26 2012,) two people died and approximately 20 people were hospitalized, when the “Identity Theft” music tour held at the Comcast Center in Mansfield erupted into what has been described as blizzard of alcohol and drug use. The Comcast Center holds about 20,000 people.

The Mansfield Police Chief stated that alcohol and other drugs – reportedly including PCP, LSD, Ecstasy and marijuana – pervaded the concert. He has commented that there was so much drug and alcohol use at the concert that it harkened back to the Seventies, when drug use was rampant. In total, 45 people were also arrested on various drug and alcohol charges, in addition to the deaths and injuries.

Drugs such as Powdered PCP – known as “ozone,” “rocket fuel,” “love boat,” or “embalming fluid,” are often associated with unpredictable and often violent behavior. Ecstasy is frequently used in club or dance settings and it can make users feel undesirable effects immediately, including anxiety, agitation, and recklessness.

Here’s a question. What happens if you’re found intoxicated in your car – but while the car is parked, with the engine still running? Can you be arrested and convicted for drunk driving?

Here’s an answer you might not expect. Yes, you can be arrested and charged with Operating Under The Influence (OUI) in Massachusetts, or as it’s more commonly known, drunk driving. What most people don’t know is that you don’t necessarily have to be driving a car to be charged and convicted of “Operating” under the influence in Massachusetts. As long as you are seated in the driver’s seat, the keys are in ignition and – and this is central – you fail a sobriety test or blow greater than .08 on a Breathalyzer test — that’s enough to legally constitute “operation” of a motro vehicle in Massachsetts. And then you’re in big legal trouble.

This is exactly what happened to a Mr. Rick Vanzura this past Wednesday, in Hull. Mr. Vanzura is the CEO of Wahlburgers, the Hingham restaurant serving burgers and fries that is owned by Hollywood actors — and Boston celebrities — Mark and Donnie Wahlberg. Mr. Vanzura was reportedly found slumped over in his driver’s seat, with the seat belt on, in his parked vehicle on Nantasket Avenue in Hull. Police knocked on the window and questioned him, and reportedly detected a strong odor of alcohol coming from Mr. Vanzura’s vehicle. Anzura supposedly admitted to police that he had consumed two glasses of wine earlier in the day, but according to police he could not allegedly remember the name of the restaurant where he had been drinking.

As of July 26 at 11:30 PM, Governor Deval Patrick is still considering whether or not to sign the final version of the Massachusetts crime bill that the House and Senate sent to him for his signature very recently. There has been much debate about this measure, also known as the “three strikes crime bill,” since it would remove parole eligibility for convicts who have been convicted three times or more for certain violent crimes. There has been a lot of heated debate about this bill, with crimes victims’ advocates supporting the measure, and prisoners’ rights and other liberal groups opposed to the measure. The Chief Justice of the state Supreme Judicial Court also weighed in earlier today, in response to a letter of inquiry Gov. Patrick sent the high court, requesting clarification of certain mandatory appellate issues the bill might raise.

I’ve written previously about this issue, but I wanted to highlight a key portion of this bill that is receiving only secondary attention, too far behind the primary issue of whether the bill is fundamentally fair or not.

That portion of the bill has to do with changing the way judges can sentence non-violent drug offenders, and in possibly paroling inmates who are currently serving time in our jails and prisons for non-violent drug offenses. I’ve said repeatedly, in this blog and elsewhere, that our sentencing laws dealing with non-violent drug offenses are foolish and counter-productive. Incredibly unjust mandatory sentencing statutes in Massachusetts force judges to incarcerate many defendants convicted of non-violent drug offenses, without any discretion at all. An example: If you were arrested for buying or selling just over an ounce of pot within 1000 feet of a school zone, and you were convicted, the judge hearing the case has NO CHOICE but to sentence you to jail or state prison. Even though you were only buying perhaps an ounce and half or two, for your own private, recreational use. Even though your activities had absolutely nothing to do with selling to or involving school-age children in any way whatsoever.

In my previous post on this subject, I wrote of how politicians everywhere from the White House on down will now react to this latest shooting tragedy with a predictable, unanimous response: More debate on gun control, with the equally ever-predictable partisan response: Democrats calling for more strict gun control; Republicans opposing. On and on the drivel goes, without end. Surf through every cable news channel you wish, listen to any talk radio shows, read any print media you choose. The chatter will be the same: How did the suspect in this most recent example of the devolution of American society, James Holmes, get the weapons and ammunition he used in his murderous rampage? How was he able to obtain these over the internet? How do we enact laws that can block the sale of weapons over the internet? Are stricter state laws needed? Or more federal oversight? More talk about gun control.

As a Boston firearms lawyer, I know that it’s important to address these questions. Yet all of them will likely obscure the most important question that needs to be asked and addressed, which is: Why is this violence of this type increasing in this country?” What is it about our culture that fosters and breeds this type of behavior?”

The answer, in my professional view: The shocking increase in violence in the media in the United States – All kinds of media: Motion picture films, television programming, violent video games marketed to youth, and even the music industry. The media is probably the only industry in America that has as its primary goal (aside from profit) the ability to publish and broadcast almost anything it wants, without restriction. Government – principally through the FCC- has always tried to impose the most reasonable of standards when it came to broadcast television and radio – but from Day One, the media industry has never liked it, and has never stopped pushing the envelope in terms of the violence that it sells. I encourage readers of this post to take a look at some of my previous blog postings on the subject of violent video games before proceeding further with today’s post. Those observations provide a key basis in the argument in this and my immediately preceding post.

People everywhere are shocked at the Aurora, Colorado theatre shooting massacre that took place yesterday. 21 people killed 59 wounded. On a pedestrian level, that’s obviously very understandable. It frightens one to the core.

Yet, should we really be so surprised that this type of violence has again streaked the face of this country? I don’t ask if we should be sickened or saddened. That answer is obvious. But – if we are to be honest – should we really be surprised?

When events like this happen, comparisons are inevitable. And while comparisons are fitting, they often cloud the most important issue of what is causing this particular type of very public violence. What will be offered in this post will not so much be comparisons as much as an argument as to causation: In the past 25 to 30 years, the amount of violence in the media – both films, television, and even more pernicious and dangerous – violent video games – has proliferated like a deadly virus, a contagion out of control. This type of sociopathology is inevitable in a society whose legal system refuses to allow stronger regulation of violence in the popular media. This type of criminal phenomenon – mass shootings by a disturbed person – first appeared on the American landscape in 1966, when a man by the name of Charles Whitman opened fire from the clock tower at the University of Texas at Austin. He killed 16 people and wounded 31 more. From that time forward – for almost 20 years – almost no mass shootings took place in the United States. Until July 18, 1984, when a man named James Oliver Huberty shot 21 people to death in a McDonald’s restaurant in San Ysidro, Calif. The pace then increased:

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